By: Matthew RJ Brodsky

Sometimes the news out of Syria enters the realm of the surreal.  Three stories out of Syria broke today and in an effort to maximize a tongue-in-cheek chuckle, let's briefly explore them:

Since becoming an independent nation state in April 1946, Syria has sought to dominate the Middle East and most specifically, their neighbors.  Aside from Lebanon, the Palestinians have held a special, hostage-like place in the Asad heart.  When the PLO was created by Egypt as a means to control Palestinian destiny, Syria made their own puppet Palestinian organization to compete.

From Camp David to Taba, 2000-01: Narratives, Red Lines, Justice, and Mythology

By: Matthew RJ Brodsky

 
            Given Akram Hanieh's Palestinian account, it rings clear that international legitimacy and justice were paramount - statehood involving compromise was secondary.  The Palestinian sense of national rights and justice differs from the American and Israeli perspective.  Past United Nations resolutions - which form the international basis of Palestinian legitimacy - are interpreted differently in Jerusalem and Washington.
            United Nations Security Council Resolution #242, adopted on 22 November 1967 in the wake of the June war, calls for the "Withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict," [47] and "For achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem."  America agrees with Israel's interpretation of the resolution - that in exchange for peace, Israel must withdraw from some territories, and not all territories.  Palestinians and the Arab states interpret the resolution as meaning Israel should withdraw from all of the territories.[48] 

From Camp David to Taba, 2000-01: Narratives, Red Lines, Justice, and Mythology

By: Matthew RJ Brodsky

 
            What would the contours of an acceptable deal look like to Palestinians?  During the Camp David summit, Palestinian historian Rashid Khalidi said on PBS television,  "It very much depends on what Barak is offering.  You say 90 percent of the West Bank.  If that includes sovereign access to the West Bank...real sovereignty in almost all of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, the Palestinian capital in Jerusalem, some implementation of the right of return or compensation, then Palestinians will say, yes, this was an historic moment, and Arafat should have seized it."[35]  If Khalidi represented Palestinian aspirations, they should have accepted either the Camp David proposals or the Clinton Parameters.  Regardless, Arafat turned down all Camp David offers and received a hero's welcome on the Palestinian street upon his return home.  At the time, Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza were not saying, "Arafat should have seized it."

From Camp David to Taba, 2000-01: Narratives, Red Lines, Justice, and Mythology

By: Matthew RJ Brodsky

 
            Perhaps no other event in recent history has been as contested on all fronts as what happened from Camp David in July 2000 through Taba in January 2001.  It is not only debated between the three protagonists, but also debated among them.  In question are the various conclusions reached following the summit, as are the interpretations of the facts used to guide the many accounts.   It should be a straightforward question:  Why did the Palestinian-Israeli peace efforts in 2000-01 fail to end the conflict and achieve peace?  Each commentator, whether a participant or historian, brings their own frames of reference to bear on the above question.  As a result, the commentaries that spring forth are skewed, reflecting their origins.   Yet, neither Camp David nor the beginning of the Oslo years mark the starting point of disagreement.  It rests in each commentator's understanding of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict from its very beginning.
Palestinian Authority - (As-Sultah al-Filistiniyah)
 
History in Brief
West Bank
            The September 1993 Israel-PLO Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements provided for a transitional period of Palestinian self-rule in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Under a series of agreements signed between May 1994 and September 1999, Israel transferred to the Palestinian Authority (PA) security and civilian responsibility for Palestinian-populated areas of the West Bank and Gaza. Negotiations to determine the permanent status of the West Bank and Gaza stalled following the outbreak of an intifada in September 2000, as Israeli forces reoccupied most Palestinian-controlled areas.
            In April 2003, the Quartet (US, EU, UN, and Russia) presented a roadmap to a final settlement of the conflict by 2005 based on reciprocal steps by the two parties leading to two states, Israel and a democratic Palestine. The proposed date for a permanent status agreement was postponed indefinitely due to violence and accusations that both sides had not followed through on their commitments.
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